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of government and that our impression is that the presidency, the foreign ministry, the other agencies of egypt have worked together cohesively with in relation to hamas and to israel to try to bring about a ceasefire. so we have to support their efforts. >> dr. julian lewis. >> does the foreign secretary agree that the greater stride towards peace was when president sadat signed the treaty between egypt and israel, and does he, therefore, share my disappointment of the statement recently by president morrissey of -- morsi of egypt that the president situation is an act of aggression solely by the israelis? >> well, while that statement is different from what he or i might say about the origins of this, nevertheless, i hope my honorable friend will bear in mind the answer i gave to the previous question about the very constructive role being played by egypt. my experience and the prime minister's experience in meeting president morsi is that he wants a peaceful future for his country, he has not turned against the peace treaty with israel. he knows the importance of now building up the economy
for example in egypt the brotherhood may be very reluctant on certain aspects of the security sector they're dealing with the military privileges of the military but other areas, for example, police, basic police reform and abuses and behavior of police i think my question and the brotherhood would be happy to see this corrected and improved, but that there is a perception within the brotherhood by many in the egyptian government institutions that if you were to address these issues it would result in its short term increase in crime and stability and they feel as though they can either fight crime effectively where they could address these kind of concerns which would be useful in the long term but detrimental in the short term and they would pay a heavy political price for the increase in crime on the basic security that would come with this reform. if you talk a little bit about that and also in tunisia i was there a couple of weeks ago, and one of the topics that came up quite a bit was the attacks on the u.s. embassy and while those of us here that might obviously highlight the need
#% of all the foreign aid that we do, a lot of money. israel, egypt, pakistan, iraq, and afghanistan. nothing wrong with that, but we have to work with our frens to the south. we put in 1.4, and with additional money, it's $1.9 billion. for every one dollar we help with mexico, they spend $13. they spend a lot of money on security. they got to -- we got to understand what they are doing. now, what we started off, we did the easy thing, buy them hell cometters, buying this, and e worked with george bush, and filed the first legislation before bush talked about the plan because i felt that strongly about helping mexico, but nevertheless, we worked together. we did the easy thing with mexico, the helicopters and the planes. the hard part is this is we got to start training or billing the capacity, the prison systems, the prosecutors, the policemen. we're working on it at the federal level, and they trained 36,000 police. i think they need 150,000 or more than that. we have to go into judges, train the judges, the prosecutors. did you know that a prosecutor here in the united states, if
. >>> next, a discussion on the state of security forces in egypt, tunisia in libya. also the arab spurring countries are in a political transition with the army, police and intelligence services playing different roles in each country. hosted by the u.s. institute of peace, this is two hours. good morning everyone. i am steve heydemann for the middle east initiatives of the u.s. institute of peace, and we are delighted to see you all here today at the session on security sector reform in the arab world. i think some of those that rsvped may have been scared off by the false rumors that he would be colin following the panel. that is not the case. so you don't need to worry about that. we are very pleased to have you all here with us this morning. i would like to stress that our topic this morning i think is both particularly important, but also especially urgent. i don't think that it is an exaggeration to say that what happens with the securities sector within the arab world or over the coming year or so come and buy securities sectors i mean the police, the armed forces, and most of all t
identities. the fact that in egypt, the first thing they say is raise your head, you are an ejection, meaning be proud. so the question then is what happened? if this was true for a decade. there was nothing particularly unique about 2007 or 2011. whether there was a major economic crisis in egypt or tunisia. it was extraordinary and i don't think you can just blame it on economics. so the question is why didn't they do it before? i think we have the right answer. political sponsors have always assumed that it is not enough to have angry people to revolt. you have to organize and you have to get a lot of people through the streets and the government has to feel the heat. the fact you have a lot of angry people doesn't quite make it. governments understood that you can can't get people to the streets about organizing. the outline political parties. they kept tabs on social institutions. they put leaders in prison that challenge them. and they were under control. that is why some people are with us for the long haul. what happened over the last couple of years, we have been watching for a decad
. they are interesting. see the list of countries that it was really at it in. iran, syria, lebanon, saudi arabia, egypt. sometimes it is called viper. a little bit confusing because they often times see things get kind of melted into each other. like you know, a very interesting whole incident. the size and sophistication of this was so great that i think the conclusion is clear that it was a government that was doing this. it is just unfathomable that it could then a smaller kind of scale operation. i think one of my colleagues is going to talk about estonia a little bit more, too. in 2007, estonia removed a statue, a soviet era statute and it caused turmoil between estonia and russia and lo and behold if it didn't become a lot of cyberattacks on mr. linea shutting down their telephone networks commissioning down their banking systems, websites and so on. government services and so on. it was never proven of his russia doing it, but the conclusion is that the very least of his russian hackers. in the end, nato, who is very active in helping estonia understand this, nato step dad and ultimately there's
that the spring is beneficial, we see that in egypt, this is not necessarily the case. the muslim brotherhood in egypt, the sunni islam that party with different views of regional policy. the egyptian president was in tehran recently for the non-aligned movement meeting and there is a lot of worry at him going to tehran would indicate that iran was isolated as the u.s. had imagined it to be or wanted it to be. more see meeting with iran officials indicated iran is an important regional player. of course what did morrissey during undreamed due? he criticized the regime of bashar al-assad and implicitly criticized the regime for his support of syria. this was an embarrassment for the iranian leadership, to the point that they change translation on television. he criticized syria and every man television set by rain. so trying to save face basically. but we've seen that egypt is not necessarily going to follow iran's policies in the region. in fact, the egyptians have kept their distance from tehran. they have not resumed relations in this a lot of tension in some issues. in addition, turkey eme
spring including the ongoing syrian civil war and the challenges facing egypt after its revolution. >> later today, singers and musicians roger daltrey and pete townsend of the who will be at the national press club to talk about the program they co-founded to help improve the lives of teenagers and young adults with cancer. they'll also discuss their plans for a new initiative called teen cancer america. it aims to set up hospitals and medical centers in the strategic areas across the country. see their remarks live beginning at 1 p.m. eastern over on c-span. >> you're watching c-span2 with politics and public atears. weak dies fee you are -- weekdays featuring live coverage of the senate and every weekend the latest nonfiction authors and books on booktv. you can see past programs and get our schedule at our web site, and you can join in the conversation on social media sites. >> former national security adviser stephen hadley was among the speakers at a recent conference focusing on national security challenges facing the united states. he said the top priority should be getting
us back to the middle east that we used the to know the arabs and israelis going at it and egypt being -- [inaudible] but right before that iran saw its fortunes decline, its popularity in the arab streets declined because of the arab spring, and then the syrian situation introduced a very, very important element, almost sectarian element, that eroded iranian influence in the region and the projection of iranian power hit a brick wall with that. so all of this, of course, goes into the mix of what iran is thinking. and this is one of the reasons. this is a good time to start negotiating with iran as its reach in the middle east seems to be not what it used to be, it's not as soft power, superpower, nor is it a hard power superpower in the renal payoff the situation -- in the region because of the situation in lebanon and syria. p lebanon is really the coming disaster, and syria is the disaster that we're dealing with right now. so, of course, all of this will go on. and if i were american, i would say this is exactly the right time to go into this. the presidential elections are
will not willfully step aside as we saw in tunisia, egypt and even in yemen. and i would argue probably is not amenable to any sort of negotiated solution. the second constant is that the opposition has been perpetually divided, fragmented, unable to coalesce around a unifying vision of a post-assad syria. we've seen divisions among the external opposition, we've seen divisions inside syria, we've seen divisions among the arms groups, divisions based on ideology, divisions based on patrons and so forth. and the third factor is that the international community has remained at a stalemate, has been unable to reach a consensus on how to move forward in syria. we've seen three security council vetoes by russia and china causing many to call the u.n., essentially, ineffective in this crisis. so it's been the interplay of these three factors, i would argue, that has led syria down the path that it has taken. in terms of u.s. policy, u.s. policy is based on the objective of having assad, as president obama called for, step aside. this was back in august of 2011. the problem with u.s. policy is
've had three years. it a dramatic circumstances in egypt and libya and tunisia. they are working on syria. you could point to example in bahrain, for example, not moving as fast. but is pretty difficult to flip the switch and light change every country in a matter of days. part of the obama philosophy, which is very interesting is trying to find what is pragmatically possible in this area that does not get america can't in the trap of unnecessary war, and quite my. so you these two examples of each ability which are most striking. here you have in egypt, you know, people on the streets clearly in opposition to the dictator there. there are plenty of examples, for example, was senior, a wink and a nod trying to crack down team and. bush junior, a wink and a nod to crack down there. around the '50s of course, lots of examples where we tell folks, bush senior in iraq killing saddam if you want to crack down on the sheet, so be it, will not get involved. that's the typical which can do. for bush to go to my work and say you do get political governor, you don't get the crackdown. you are not g
-the-board policy of either administration. >> well, you had three years. dramatic circumstances in egypt and libya and tunisia. they are working on syria. it is pretty difficult as flip a switch and change every country within a matter of days. part of the obama philosophy, which is interesting, it is trying to find what is possible in this area that does not get america caught in traps of unnecessary wars, replication of imperialism, and quagmire. so you have these two examples of egypt and libya which are most striking. and here you have people on the streets, clearly in opposition to the dictator there. for example, tiananmen square, bush junior and a crackdown there. around the 50s, of course, lots of examples where we tell folks and we say if you want to crack down on us, that is the typical way it is going down. for president bush to go to hosni mubarak and say you can't stand aside, you're not going to keep this if you do it that way. because of that factor, one of the key factors are gotten pushed out, libya was a different story where he had a possibility of a massacre during an obama sai
for the new egypt to do that now. last week, i congratulated him on the effort that egypt has made in the efforts on further negotiations. trying to open up gaza and prevent the smuggling of weapons. if that can be achieved, they can continue their efforts on broader issues. >> no one would doubt the integrity or honesty, or the diligent ways trying to bring about peace of the middle east, but we are concerned that we are on the wrong side of the argument. we should be with honorable friends on the side of the house have referred to the nature of 6% against -- [inaudible] the secretary is saying that we should not place preconditions for the palestinians should not place preconditions, and yet that is precisely what we are doing. we are putting ourselves in the wrong side of the argument, i am afraid. >> on both sides of the house, we are on the side of the middle east peace. it is a two state solution. our view is we should use our vote in a way that maximizes the chances of negotiations. and i know that there are strong feelings as have been illustrated. he will understand that w
of the stick will discuss that with the united states as was with egypt directly. >> i declare an interest i just returned from a visit to the palestinian authority's, and to israel. the foreign secretaries call that hama hamas is defensible response but for the crisis and could end the conflict by stop bombarding israel was hard. does he agree with me that the use of long range imported missiles by hamas capable of striking jerusalem has made this much were difficult to achieve? >> yes, absolutely. it is clear that the armory of rockets in gaza has changed since the time of operation, and although there is a longer range rockets, we seen them launch at tel aviv and at least in one case at jerusalem. of course that is an escalation of the threat to israel. but it only underlines the importance of taking forward all the work on a negotiated piece and settlement in the middle east so which has been supported across the house. >> in august this year in a report that gaza would be unlivable by 2020, 44% of posting in gaza -- [inaudible] what conversation has he had with counterparts recently on
. you take a look at egypt. under the original peace plan we gave tremendous amounts of foreign aid to egypt. you know what right now? egypt is threatening israel. egypt is threatening israel because of the arab spring. we have to rethink the dollars we're sending to egypt. we have to say these dollars are for maintaining a security and a peace. if you're not participating you don't get the dollars. that is job one. we need our commitment to foreign poll to israel. israel is our strongest ally. it is our sister country and we need to do everything we can to fulfill our commitment. which incidentally all the foreign aid we give israel, military aid is spent right here in america on american jobs. that is one of the requirements. but when you look broadly at the arab spring, there was a lot of hope this would continue deepak civil we're falling into what has become not secular governments but religious governments. we need to be gathering up all of our allies and we need to be making a firm statement that this region needs to be stablized and we need to protect people that serve in ou
between egypt and yemen. i think we know that saudi arabia had mixed feelings about how quickly mubarak was dumped, and -- but they also, the saudis playeded a crucial role of easing yemen. it was not easy. it was slow. it was bloody, but compared to the other changes, it was not that bad. in april of to 20* -- 2011, just as the arab spring was in full bloom, if you will, the c7 finance ministers met in france and formed a partnership with the vision that was simple that europe had been through this kind of thing before. after eastern europe broke away
with in indonesia, egypt, and other places do research that is not done in other places. it was certainly self-motivated in the early days to ensure we had service personnel in the best possible shape, in the tropical environment that we understand what went on in these places, and we're better prepared for it, but that body of knowledge grows, and i would hope that we can continue to nurture it so that we take the lessons from these efforts and move them out into the greater world so to try to pull this together, you have a), u.s. government military capability that has global reach, very, very rapid response, high volume, and the means to get into and operate in areas that are prone to disasters, and as we have just seen in our own backyards, you don't have to go very far these days. nobody else extent that we can. we have very sharp people, well-educated, well-schooled, well-trained, particularly in the medical professions, to make a difference on scene, and we have this ongoing research and development as background to make us all better at doing these things. these are the basics, and one
is testing egypt. there's more uncertainty than ever about syria, its relationship with iran, whether it can hold lebanon together, what is hezbollah doing now that its backers are in their own fights inside syria. the evolving role of qatar and saudi arabia, and turkey playing a role. it's enormous. of anything at the security conference, this is probably the least secure discussion there is. i'm reminded of bob dylan's favorite song, "along the watchtower," and that should be our anthem this morning. there must be a way out of here so let's aim for some relief and less confusion, and i want to propose the following format just for the beginning of this panel, and then i think i want to open it up to a lot of questions from the floor
in the world cannot afford this vacuum in the peace process. i pay tribute today to egypt in the united states and the u.n. secretary-general for there will in bringing about a cease-fire in gaza and we now need to go to bring about a lasting peace, and clergy and into the of weapons and the opening of gaza for trade as follows for aid. in the house last week i set up their beliefs that united states should launch a new initiative to revive the middle east peace process urgently. if progress on negotiations is not made next year, the two state solution could become impossible to achieve. yesterday said to secretary clinton is such an effort led by the u.s. would need to be boring than anything seen since the oslo peace accords and should be backed by a more active role for european nations as well. given the overriding need of both israelis and palestinians to return to negotiations as soon as possible, we have palestinian president mahmoud abbas not to move for the time being. it is better to give u.s. administration the opportunity to set out a new initiative. we pointed out a u.n. resolutio
Search Results 0 to 18 of about 19